Phyo Lin Aung (NP News)- Oct 13
Conflict economist Paul Collier points out that while revolutionary or armed groups may originate from an unbearable sense of ‘grievance,’ over time they often transition toward ‘greed’—essentially becoming war economies obsessed with finance and power. A similar pattern is evident in Myanmar, where groups that have declared themselves as part of the revolution – the NUG/PDF – have increasingly adopted war-economy practices alongside their political objectives.
When analyzing conflict economies, it is necessary to consider not only the collection of extortion money and the unregulated extraction and sale of natural resources but also the misappropriation of funds raised in the name of the revolution. This is because a lack of transparency regarding revolutionary funds within the NUG/PDF groups which emerged after 2021 incident, has frequently been a primary cause of conflict and disputes among these factions.
Reports from early September indicate that the number of financial supporters to those engaged in armed resistance against the government has dropped to nearly 55,000. While there may be various reasons for this significant decline in support, it is likely primarily due to employment difficulties both domestically and abroad, causing a halt in the flow of funds; this situation has raised concerns among the NUG/PDF supporters that it could create major obstacles for the revolutionary cause.
Furthermore, the government recently arrested 21 people after a data leak of 2,700 donors that had donated through the People's Revolution Supply Family (PRF) website, a fundraising platform for the CRPH and NUG— both designated as terrorist entities since 2021. While the direct impact of those arrests on weapons and supply shortages for ground-level PDF members remains unclear, financial management and transparency issues continue to drive tension within their top leadership.
In recent days, on social media, there has been a dispute between two revolution fundraisers based overseas, Pan Cello and Myo Yan Naung Thein, regarding funds and the release of financial statements of projects. The conflict arose due to delayed release of financial statement of a project and accusations of misappropriation of about 200,000 USD. The quarrel is an illustration of the complicated and extensive nature of financial irregularities within revolution-related groups and a sign of discord among the so-called key figures in the field of logistics and support.
Similarly, in a recently released video clip, NUG Minister Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, who is sitting on the ground with some PDF forces and eating rice on banana leaf together, said that the PRF system needs to be strengthened as it costs about 18 million US dollars per year for the food of the members. According to Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, a member's meal costs about 2,000 kyats per day (about 60,000 kyats per month). The video shows that PDF and its related groups together have a force of about 100,000 and it costs about 6,000 million kyats (Kyat 6 billion) per month. If the amount is calculated in U.S. dollars, it is 1.5 million dollars per month for the cost of food. It will cost $18 million a year.
Dr. Zaw Wai Soe further noted that, given the NUG’s annual revenue of only around $50 million, significant effort is required to meet needs such as weapons, ammunition, and uniforms; he emphasized that the welfare and combat readiness of their PDF members depend heavily on a robust PRF and increased public contributions. However, PRF financial reports indicate that collections for last September totaled only about $600,000—an amount insufficient to even cover meals for 100,000 personnel—meaning operations are currently being sustained solely through previously accumulated funds.
These issues represent the financial repercussions already being felt at the grassroots level of the organization. Faced with a lack of sufficient funding, units operating on the ground have resorted to the unregulated and excessive extraction and sale of any available valuable resources—such as gold or oil—in their respective territories to sustain the organization. Even in areas devoid of such natural resources, they have been observed attempting to survive through various means, including collecting checkpoint fees and extortion money, as well as logging and selling timber. Because operations are driven by such self-serving activities, the stated revolutionary objective has long since been reduced to a mere label; in reality, the situation has effectively morphed into nothing more than armed profiteering.
On the other hand, it is evident that certain figures who have gained international prominence are exploiting the name of the revolution to pursue their own self-interest whenever the opportunity arises. It has been confirmed that fugitive Kyaw Moe Tun who has tenaciously clung to the position of Permanent Representative to the United Nations held a balance of $2.76 million in the Bank of America account in 2021 which was originally owed by the sovereign government. According to his own statements, his office operating expenses during the 57-month period from March 2021 to November 2025 ranged between $40,000 and $60,000 per month.
Even if calculated based on the minimum monthly amount of $40,000, the cost would exceed $2.2 million, while a calculation based on the maximum amount of $60,000 would result in costs exceeding $3.4 million within five years. Since no one would cover these expenses out of their own pocket, the fact that expenditures were reported as reduced to $20,000 in certain months suggests the figures may have been manipulated to make the accounts balance.
An official statement from the Myanmar Ministry of Foreign Affairs says that Kyaw Moe Tun was dismissed from the civil service on the morning of February 27, 2021, and that as of February 2021, the Myanmar Permanent Mission’s bank account in New York holds USD 2.76 million and EUR 38,233.62.
However, in an interview conducted in February 2026, Kyaw Moe Tun stated that regarding the US$ 1 million payment due to the UN—which was settled in three installments—he withdrew US$ 300,000 from the state-owned Permanent Mission bank account, while the NUG provided the remaining funds. Thus, Kyaw Moe Tun who had been dismissed from state service and had signaled his support for the CDM by raising three fingers continued to utilize state funds for his office expenses ranging from US$ 40,000 to US$ 60,000 per month until November 2025.
While the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) is generally defined as a non-violent movement in which individuals abandon their duties at their parent ministries to oppose the government, the case of Kyaw Moe Tun presents a peculiar situation: under the banner of CDM, he utilized US$2.76 million—funds belonging to all citizens of Myanmar—over a period of nearly five years. Based on the reasons cited, it is possible that withdrawals ceased after November 2025 simply because the funds in the state-owned bank account in New York had been exhausted. Furthermore, beyond utilizing state funds, it is evident that he also received over US$60,000 from the NUF to facilitate the representation of the NUG's voice at the United Nations.
To summarize, while the NUG/PDF and its allied groups vary in the scale and methods of their financial misconduct and illicit activities, their operations increasingly exploit the banner of "revolution" for personal gain. As public financial contributions wane, ground-level units have resorted to war-economy tactics, including illegal natural resource extraction and extortion at checkpoints. Meanwhile, among the leadership based abroad, the misappropriation of millions of dollars in funds and state assets, alongside internal fractures caused by unaccounted finances, has become increasingly evident. These developments highlight that their activities have shifted from a genuine revolution into a "war economy" driven by self-interest and illicit practices. –
