Phyo Lin Aung (NP News) - Nov 10
Located in the far west of Myanmar, Chin State is a mountainous region endowed with natural beauty; yet, for a long time, it has remained the least developed state, plagued by a lack of infrastructure, poverty, and an economic growth rate that has plummeted to zero. Compounding these existing hardships, the intensification of armed conflict and regional instability over the past five years or more has left Chin State in a state of near-total devastation.
For the Chin people—who have been forced to abandon their traditional swidden farming and flee their homes as displaced persons, seeking refuge in neighboring countries or major cities within Myanmar. The possibility of returning to their beloved homeland can only emerge once armed conflict has completely ceased and long-term, sustainable peace has been established.
Building a home in Chin State is no easy feat; it typically costs about three times as much as it would in the lowlands. Yet, Chin people displaced by the conflict have now been forced to abandon the homes they built using every last bit of their meager savings. Furthermore, they have had to leave behind their traditional upland farming livelihoods in the Chin hills and take up whatever odd jobs they can find in distant, unfamiliar places.
“Most of them no longer live in the villages at all. Even the elderly have fled to Mizoram. If you look at Yangon—in Hlegu, Hmawbi, and Taikkyi—Chin IDPs are everywhere, having fled the armed conflict,” said a displaced Chin ethnic.
Border instability and the presence of international criminal networks in Chin State
Although Chin State is small in geographical size, it is home to a proliferation of armed groups. Furthermore, despite sharing borders with India and Bangladesh, it has failed to leverage cross-border development, becoming instead a transit hub entangled in regional conflict.
According to reports released by Indian authorities in Manipur and Mizoram, the majority of Myanmar nationals arrested for drug trafficking belong to the Chin ethnics. News of drug traffickers being apprehended near the India-Myanmar border surfaces at least once a week, underscoring a growing threat that has prompted India to tighten its border security measures.
Furthermore, individuals who travel between India and Myanmar to provide military training to armed groups have also been operating out of Chin State. Last March, an American citizen named Matthew VanDyke and six Ukrainian nationals were arrested after entering the Indian state of Mizoram illegally; they had intended to train ethnic armed groups in Myanmar on drone technology and to smuggle drones to these groups. According to an India-based news outlet, this group of foreign mercenaries is linked to a drug empire controlled by the vice-chairman of a Chin armed group.
Nearly 2,000 foreign nationals reportedly entered Mizoram between June and December 2024. The majority of them traveled toward the Chin Hills to provide military training to armed groups from Myanmar. According to Indian media reports, hundreds of foreigners traveled through Mizoram into Chin State, either as battlefield tourists or to provide training and supply weapons to Chin armed groups. These activities constitute criminal acts, carried out by exploiting the instability within Chin State.
War-weary Chin people and their desire for peace
It has now been over five years since the armed conflict under the banner of revolution began in Chin State in 2021. After such a prolonged period, those who have been displaced from their homes have grown profoundly weary of the war. “After five years, people have come to realize the reality of the situation. Having to leave one's own home and village to live in a strange land constantly dependent on the goodwill of others has become exhausting. Even basic necessities like food are a struggle; some of the elderly, for instance, are longing to return home. Yet, at the same time, many have grown accustomed to the life of an armed combatant and are now reluctant to lay down their weapons,” a resident of Chin State remarked.
While expressing grievances through protests and making demands is a natural and commendable initial step, there comes a point when the situation should shift toward practical, real-world solutions. Unlike in urban centers like Yangon where communities might transition from protests back toward a semblance of normalcy, the situation in Chin State remains overshadowed by a complex array of other crises. “Even in Yangon, prominent film actors, actresses, and singers took part in expressing their grievances for a period of time. Now that they have voiced those concerns, they have returned to engaging with the public at events and are going about their regular work. I don’t blame them at all—in fact, that is exactly how I wanted things to unfold. I would like to see the same happen in Chin State,” he continued.
One of the major challenges hindering the political progress of the Chin people is the tendency for sub-ethnic prejudices and loyalties to take precedence over broader national objectives. “Sometimes, the politics of our Chin people are based on sub-tribes rather than national identity. It’s not pleasant to say, but because it’s based on sub-tribes, people supported it at first. However, by heavily highlighting sub-tribal issues, there are now as many as 23 CDF armed groups in Chin State.
Why are there 23 groups? It’s because everyone thinks, 'Our sub-tribe must not be left behind,' and because of that mindset, it is simply impossible to achieve peace,” said the local mentioned above.
There are over 50 ethnic groups or sub-groups in Chin State, and amidst the ongoing conflict, various factions are aiming to secure separate quotas and influence. In addition, another reason for the persistent instability and prolonged conflict in the region is the financial support and influence exerted by Chin communities living abroad. By issuing directives and wielding influence from afar—without ever participating in the fighting on the ground—these external actors only deepen the hardships faced by the youth and the combatants on the front lines.
“The internet in Chin State really needs to be cut off, you know. The reason is that people from outside are sending about 100 dollars a month to their relatives back home, and in doing so, they exert influence over them. That’s why this has dragged on for so long. They make grand, boastful claims—telling them, ‘You go ahead and fight; we’ve got your back’—and then, by handing over about 100 dollars, they effectively issue orders. In the end, it’s the guys on the ground doing the actual fighting who end up in a real mess,” he said.
In essence, Chin State has become increasingly fragmented, not simply as a consequence of prolonged armed conflict, but also due to the financial influence of the Chin diaspora and the competing self-interests of various ethnic armed organizations. Compounding these divisions, the region has emerged as a growing hub of criminal activity, with foreign mercenaries and drug-trafficking networks taking advantage of the prevailing insecurity. These developments have further deepened uncertainty and cast serious doubts over the future of the Chin Hills.
Meanwhile, the Chin people, who have endured years of war and are now living as displaced persons either within the country or abroad, long to return to their homes. Yet, as long as the focus remains on the pursuit of power through armed struggle rather than on a genuine commitment to peace and a political vision that prioritizes the aspirations of ordinary Chin people, the path home for the Chin people will remain a distant one.
